I was on Ireland AM bright and early. Feel free to click on this link below to see the interview which covered a range of topics including my campaign for Labour Party Leader.

I was interviewed by Ivan Yates and Chris Donoghue on Newstalk 106-108 fm. As you can imagine it was a broad-ranging and lively conversation. Feel free to listen back to the interview where I outline my vision for the Labour Party as well as my views on pressing issues facing our state today. Click here to listen back.

NOBODY IS CALLING for the retention of the Seanad in its current form. So rather than asking why we should abolish the Seanad, the question should be: what is the justification for having a second chamber in the first place? We should refuse to simply accept that the Seanad should continue in existence just for the sake of it.

Indeed, the fact that this question is so little asked demonstrates the lack of engagement that people have with the Seanad. In what sense can one argue the second chamber is a valued part of our democracy, when so few citizens display any great interest, passion or loyalty towards it? The role of the Seanad is uncertain and unclear, and its electoral process and makeup are convoluted and all-but impenetrable. We must go to the heart of the matter therefore, and not just try to correct these deep flaws, but to address the central question: what’s the Seanad for, and what purpose could it possibly serve?

The Dáil fulfils the requirements of a representative democracy

Dáil Éireann fulfils the basic requirement of a representative democracy, that of a directly-elected parliamentary chamber which carries out the key functions of choosing the government, holding it to account, and scrutinising and approving legislation. The Dáil, in Article 15.1 of the Constitution, is referred to as the “House of Representatives”.

If this central democratic role is carried out by Dáil Éireann, then surely a second chamber has to fulfill a separate, additional function in order to justify its existence. If it does not serve a separate purpose, then there can be no reason for it to exist. And the fact is that there are no good arguments for a second chamber, even if it is directly-elected. There simply isn’t any good reason to have two chambers, both elected directly by the people. With both claiming a mandate from the people, would the question not arise of how to resolve a difference between the two chambers?

I say this not to question the ability or intellect of current or past members of Seanad Éireann. The issue is the institution itself.

A second chamber might well be justified in a federal political system, which Ireland is not. In a system such as ours where the rule of law is sustained by the Constitution and the judiciary, and where there is no sharp ethnic or religious divisions, there is no justification for another parliamentary chamber.

No purpose is served by the vocational panels which dominate the make-up of the Seanad. The reforms put forward by some on the No side would allow the survival of these anachronistic panels, in addition to the Taoiseach’s nominees and those six senators chosen by third-level graduates. No justification can be provided for such an archaic and elitist method of appointments.

Power cannot be grabbed from an institution that has none

Others have suggested that the Seanad could simply be handed the role of dealing with EU legislation. Yet how could we accept that the Dáil, the people’s chamber, the “House of Representatives” could be stripped of responsibility for such an integral source of so much of our law? Yes, the Dáil can do better, and must give greater priority to the scrutiny of EU legislation. But our laws must be made solely by the directly elected representatives of the people.

Some might argue that a bad Seanad is better than no Seanad. Indeed, in 1937 it was de Valera who said, paraphrasing his opposition, that: “some Seanad, the best Seanad we can get, even though it may be adjudged a bad Seanad, is still better than no Seanad at all”. In fact, surely a “bad” Seanad is far worse, inspiring only cynicism and harming the political process. It gives a false comfort, the appearance of providing checks and balance where it does no such thing.

Abolishing the Seanad is not, as some others claim, a “power grab” – power cannot be grabbed from an institution that has none.

We do need to renew our democratic institutions. Yet while a strengthened Dáil is essential, there is no convincing case for retaining the Senate. The case for its abolition is that there is no case for its retention.

http://www.thejournal.ie/readme/the-seanad-gives-a-false-comfort-to-those-seeking-proper-checks-and-balances-1107950-Oct2013/?utm_source=shortlink

OpEd by Alex White TD 

One hundred years ago this week, the 1913 Lockout began – a titanic struggle between capital and labour; class and power. Many in Dublin lived in squalor in tenement city slums. Work was often of a casual nature, doled out on a daily basis and given to those willing to work for the lowest wage. For those in steady employment there was little to protect their basic rights. Coupled with desperate social conditions, there was no protection for people against the vagaries of the market.  While the strikers of the 1913 Lockout were defeated, their legacy of decency, social solidarity and struggle for the right to engage in collective bargaining lived on for the benefit of our nation.

The anniversary of this pivotal moment in our history provides an opportunity for Labour party representatives, activists and members to reflect on the values we share and our vision for the future. There is no doubt that Labour as a coalition party in Government has faced stark choices. But that does not deter us from imagining a society built on the principles of freedom, equality, community and democracy. 

Of course, the major challenge for this Government is to bring about our economic recovery and in doing so to restore employment and living standards for our citizens. By strengthening our international trade links, creating a stimulus programme, and establishing activation schemes such as Jobs Plus, Labour Ministers are advancing policies to increase employment, even if our prospects rely much on recovery in Europe and in the global economy.

While accelerating employment growth remains the number one priority for the Labour party, it is also important to recognise the challenges many workers face in the current economic climate. A strong trade union movement is essential for the protection of labour rights. The Programme for Government commits to reforming the law on the right to engage in collective bargaining, and I look forward to these proposals being advanced in the coming months.

We have a new “precariat” in some sectors of the labour force, with people working on zero-hours contracts, short term contracts, or for free on unpaid internships. These trends can undermine rights earned by workers in the past, and the relevant statutory protections may require strengthening, or at least review. Zero-hours contracts shape a life of uncertainty for people where their ability to budget for the future or manage a stable family-life is particularly difficult. Surely at this time we can strive beyond the prescriptions of William Martin Murphy, who thought that working people should receive a wage sufficient to “live in frugal comfort”.  For citizens to derive value from their work, they need a level of security and fairness.

If as a country we accept any jobs at any cost, and try to compete with low wage economies, we are destined to lose. Equally, if we forfeit hard-won labour rights or the means of their vindication, we risk undermining the welfare of the next generation. We will only thrive as a nation if we have decent, high quality employment for those who can work, and a secure social safety net for those who cannot.

We face enormous challenges today, with so many people unemployed and many more in financial difficulty as a consequence of political and economic failure. However, it is nevertheless the case that the Ireland of 2013 would be unrecognisable to the workers and citizens of 1913 Dublin. We have seen enormous progress in employment rights, education, social protection, housing, and the ending of Church control over social policy. It is indisputable that much of this progress has been achieved by Labour participation in government.

Our task now is to look forward ambitiously, and to re-imagine a society and economy where everyone pays their due, employees achieve their full potential, and society strives to protect the most vulnerable. With prosperity and solidarity interlinked in this renewed social contract, the Ireland sought by the strikers of 1913 can be realised. 

by Caroline Crawford and Eilish O'Regan

PROPOSALS to give young children free GP care, regardless of the income of the parents, are likely to be included in the Budget.

It is unclear what age group of children would benefit at first. It would be next year before the relevant legislation would be passed.

Junior Health Minister Alex White confirmed that he "intends to bring proposals to Government" later this year but also suggested plans for the first rollout of free GP care may be included in the Budget as soon as October.

Mr White, who was addressing a nursing conference in Galway, said around €30m was available to the HSE for the plan – money which had been allocated for the first phase of GP care and has yet to be spent.

The article in full can be read here. 

Minister of State at the Department of Health Alex White has told a doctors' conference in Galway that the Government is committed to free GP care.

During an address at the annual conference of the Irish College of General Practitioners, Mr White said there will be clarity on the plan within six weeks.

Alex was on the panel alongside Alison O'Connor - Political Commentator, Breda O'Brien - teacher and journalist, Timmy Dooley of Fianna Fail, Liam Delaney of the University of Sterling and Community Activist - Mick Rafferty.

You can listen to the programme in full here.

Alex was part of the panel to discuss the results of a Millward Brown/TV3 poll.

Click here to watch it again.

Alex was on the panel for the Sunday morning programme along with Minister of State, Conor Lenihan, Ger Colleran, editor of The Star and Jennifer O'Connell, editor of thejournal.ie

Click here to listen again.

Alex was on the panel with Brian Hayes TD and Thomas Byrne TD to discuss what Fine Gael and Labour would do differently in government.

Click here to watch it again.

Alex was on the panel along with Mairead McGuinness MEP and Minister of State, Conor Lenihan.

Click here to listen again.

Alex was on the panel with Minister for Health and Children Mary Harney to discuss the events of the week including the attempted Fine Gael leadership heave and the banking crisis.

Click here to watch it again.